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Casey C's avatar

Love your ideas at the end - especially the LLM, changing the anthem and restoring stonehenge. Have similar thoughts about sections of Pompeii and random annual(?) historic days where parts of the city are made up to be in different famous eras. As someone who studied both politics and religion agree these concepts e.g. identity and decision making are inextrably linked in important ways that aren't being deeply appealed to at present

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Ben Johnson's avatar

Bravo on this important and thought-provoking piece. Here are some loose thoughts:

On coalition-building, you identify something real about why progress movements in the UK struggle. When your movement's culture requires everyone to be fluent in the same narrow set of references and concerns, you've accidentally built a filter against others who might contribute differently. In the UK, it's all industrial energy prices, attracting top talent, and planning reform (with a side-order of attacking fare-dodgers and net zero). I have heard that in SF – arguably the greatest place-based expression of scientific and technological progress – the water cooler chat is all about box corner radii and p(doom). The point is that if conversation demands knowledge of the same set of memes, codes and shared questions, you've created a cloister.

This matters to your vision of Sovereign Albion because, if we want it to endure, its most worthwhile projects – infrastructure, institutions, and cultural renewal – will require political consensus that extends well beyond any single subculture. The UK can't build semiconductor fabs or reform planning or rewild landscapes only on the enthusiasm of people who already think in exactly the same way. A clear insight of your piece is that progress needs texture and poetry alongside spreadsheets – and ritual and meaning-making alongside rational optimisation. This is convincing; the urgent question for the rest of us is how to actually create that synthesis in the popular (sub)consciousness. We must reject degrowthism while also rejecting approaches that reduce national renewal to "eventually GDP goes up and services improve". We must find meaning in a shared identity without resorting to the worst excesses of social conservatism or ethno-nationalism.

The philosopher Jean Gebser wrote about different structures of consciousness that human cultures move through – not replacing earlier ones but integrating them. Modern rational-scientific consciousness is powerful for building and analysing, but is incomplete as a source of human meaning, and at its extreme it both atomises and dehumanises everything. Gebser argued we need an "integral" consciousness that situates rationality within mythic, symbolic, and participatory ways of understanding. Rocks that think, and science as weird magic, are reaching for exactly this integration – not regressing to pre-modern enchantment, but recognising that pure disenchantment leaves people spiritually malnourished.

Shifts in consciousness are in part sparked by shifts in the material world, so this kind of integration almost certainly needs infrastructure, as you say. Among your playbook's aesthetic flights of fancy are very real proposals for expanded National Parks, Right to Roam, restored Stonehenge, and new secular third spaces. I see these as the substrate for this kind of integrative progress. It should include bold and beautiful intercity transport infrastructure – cutting journey times, making spatial factors less important, making the country more tightly knit and more intimate. Yes this is a very prosaic bit of the equation, but it is likely essential for building the connected-yet-distributed cultural ecosystem we need. Housing and planning follow similar logic, offering more market entry points to those seeking to enrich and sustain our places. In other words: build baby build!

I also reflected on our shared institutions, which can sometimes feel monumental without being participatory (in a modern 'demonstration statecraft' way that I talk about in my recent post). It is trite to say it but I don't think we always get this right in the UK. We can look at the BBC at its (erstwhile?) best – where regional production, local programming, and a variety of voices created distributed participation rather than concentrated prestige. Or we can look at it at its worst: a cultural hegemon that excludes, devalues and ossifies – more akin to the Catholic Church, with some of the attendant abuses of power. We cannot assume that culture flows downward from prestigious metropolitan centres; people across the country from all walks of life need to see themselves in it, contribute to it, feel ownership of it. A civic building or a cultural institution that shouts "this is important and you are small" creates different feelings than one that signals "this is yours." The challenge in your piece – creating institutions that inspire without excluding, that connect to mythic depth without becoming gatekept by those who already speak the language – requires thinking carefully about how institutions actually invite participation.

This brings us to politics, which is where your piece stops but could go further. All of our political movements and identifies should be well-positioned to articulate this synthesis of progress and belonging, rational institution-building and participatory meaning-making. But each has proved utterly unequal to the task, collapsing into either technocratic managerialism, burn-it-to-the-ground defeatism, or empty gestures. Just last week the Prime Minister spoke about people cutting up half-time oranges at football matches, or knocking on a neighbour's door. What a wonderful encapsulation of participation as gesture! Praising 'quiet bat people' is cheap; investing in the transport, housing, institutions, and cultural infrastructure that might actually enable distributed flourishing is much harder.

What would serious political leadership look like? Maybe it's being willing to articulate that we're building distributed capability not out of nostalgia but because concentrated fragility is dangerous. Maybe it's understanding that you can't distribute opportunity without distributing resources and power. Or maybe it's holding that exact tension you identify: some people find meaning through connection to land and folklore, others through building semiconductor fabs, many through both. We can't expect everyone to care about the same things, but people do need the infrastructure and institutions to pursue what matters to them without requiring London money or connections.

So maybe Sovereign Albion requires finding a new level of ambition for what politics can build. I would say that this is patient investment over decades in the boring substrate – trains that run on time and cheaply between cities, housing that people can afford, universities and research institutions distributed across regions, arts funding that flows to Bristol and Manchester and Newcastle not as London's satellites but as genuine centres. It requires institutions where different types of people encounter each other through shared projects.

Your vision – metal AND moss, rational AND mystical, progress AND preservation, based AND woke – is achievable, but it will require that texture needs substrate, that poetry needs infrastructure, that inclusion means enabling people to build together rather than just representing them. Both are necessary. Neither alone is sufficient.

In other words, we can't vibe-curate our way to distributed flourishing – but the good news is that this is a political choice, not a technical impossibility. Though we may be out of practice, we should still know how to build infrastructure and institutions, and how to create spaces for participation and meaning-making. What we lack is the political courage to pursue this seriously over decades, and the imagination to build institutions that inspire and include. Your essay is an invitation to develop both.

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